Sunday, 6 January 2013

Edward Thomas - 'The Father Of Us All'


Two years ago, I attended a lecture by Matthew Hollis on Edward Thomas at the Ways With Words Festival at Dartington Hall. However, it was not until last November, when I was reading the Sunday Times Culture Section, that I was struck by a curiosity to find out more about him. 
 


In direct contrast to the vitriolic verse of Siegfried Sassoon and Wilfred Owen, and the patriotic poetry of Rupert Brooke, is the oeuvre of Edward Thomas, whose poems do not deal directly with the war that shaped his final years, but are perhaps one of the most moving memorials to it. His closest friend, fellow poet Robert Frost, spoke thus of Thomas’s poetry: ‘He didn’t think of it for a moment as war poetry, though that is what it is. It ought to be called Roads to France.’ Against an evocative backdrop of lyricism, his work illuminates the innocent world left behind; yet it is what Thomas does not say in his poems that renders them so poignant.

            In a recent article for the Sunday Times, A.A. Gill observed that ‘the bright and dreadful canon of poetry that is the cultural orphan of the Great War has been repeated so often and so mellifluously that it loses its hard focus. Not its power, exactly, but as with great music used to sell sliced bread and holidays, the misuse of its power grates.’ Robert Fisk had previously tuned into such a feeling in an article for The Independent last year, where he too reflected on how the true meaning and potency of things is diluted by misappropriation and overuse. Fisk made the point that, ‘All kinds of people who had no idea of the suffering of the Great War – or the Second, for that matter – were now ostentatiously wearing a poppy for social or work-related reasons, to look patriotic and British when it suited them, to keep in with their friends and betters and employers.’ It is his belief, instigated by his father, that in the century that has passed since WWI, poppies have lost their actual purpose, and that the soldiers’ ‘sacrifice has been turned into a fashion appendage.’ Gill does not seek to suggest that those prodigious poems grown from the seed of WWI should be made redundant; he instead proposes a candidate for the greatest war poet of that era that may surprise some of his readers, as his choice does not seem the most obvious of contenders: he argues it is to Edward Thomas that we should look.

            Thomas never intended to be a poet; he made his living instead as a freelance writer and critic, yet he was discontent with the work he was given, tormented by feelings of failure from having to fulfill his contractual obligations, and plagued by depression for the duration of his life. Encouraged by Frost, however, Thomas began to turn his ear towards a different form of writing: that which is metrical and memorable, driven by rhythms of speech. Both he and Frost entertained similar ideas concerning poetry, observing with a measure of disdain the florid bombast of the Georgians and the acute self-awareness of the Imagists, the two main poetic bodies at that period. It was Frost’s theory that good poetry finds its provenance in the ‘sound of sense’, where the lines communicate tonally as well as literally. Rhythms of speech should guide the ear when writing; ‘words exist in the mouth, not in books.’ Thomas too had developed these opinions that, without cadence, a poem contains no aural relish, and can appeal only to the intellect. When the two poets met, their common beliefs were evident, and on long ‘talks-walking’, a meeting of minds was established through their ideas about the hallmarks that elevated verse: speech rhythms, uncluttered diction, cadence, auditory appeal and sound-sense. It was this friendship that ultimately proved to be the catalyst for one of the most fertile outpourings of poetry, before Thomas’s tragic death on Easter Monday 1917 at the Battle of Arras.

            He became a fruitful producer of verse after deciding to try his hand at poetry in November 1914; writing ten poems in two weeks, he continued at this prolific rate for the remainder of his life, penning 144 poems in the space of under two and a half years. He was never without a notebook, in which he jotted down observations of his surroundings; this proved invaluable in his poetry writing, as he found a cornucopia of ideas from his previous prose. Perhaps his best-loved, and most anthologized poem is ‘Adlestrop:

Yes, I remember Adlestrop --
The name, because one afternoon
Of heat the express-train drew up there
Unwontedly. It was late June.

The steam hissed. Someone cleared his throat.
No one left and no one came
On the bare platform. What I saw
Was Adlestrop -- only the name

And willows, willow-herb, and grass,
And meadowsweet, and haycocks dry,
No whit less still and lonely fair
Than the high cloudlets in the sky.

And for that minute a blackbird sang
Close by, and round him, mistier,
Farther and farther, all the birds
Of Oxfordshire and Gloucestershire.

            Written in 1915, and published three weeks after Thomas’s death, this gently wistful poem portrays an overwhelming bucolic scene which is imbued with a deep nostalgia for the countryside of England. It is what is not said that renders it a compelling war poem; the implicit regret for a time that was rapidly becoming engulfed by the war creates a deeply moving poem, one that Ivor Gurney would describe as ‘nebulously intangibly beautiful.’ It is interesting to note, however, that this poem finds its roots in the soil of prose written on 24th June from the previous year; travelling with his wife Helen from Paddington to Malvern, Thomas noted:

‘Then we stopped at Adlestrop, tro the willows cd be heard a chain of blackbirds songs at 12:45 & one thrush & no man seen, only a hiss of engine letting off steam. Stopping outside Campden by banks of long grass willow herb & meadowsweet, extraordinary silence between the two periods of travel- looking out on great dry stones between metals & the shiny metals & over it all the elms willows & long grass- one man clears his throat- and a greater rustic silence. No house in view. Stop only for a minute until signal is up.’

             1915 saw several poems written that could be interpreted as war poetry. ‘A Private’ reads:

This ploughman dead in battle slept out of doors
Many a frozen night, and merrily
Answered staid drinkers, good bedmen, and all bores:
"At Mrs Greenland's Hawthorn Bush," said he,
"I slept." None knew which bush. Above the town,
Beyond `The Drover', a hundred spot the down
In Wiltshire. And where now at last he sleeps
More sound in France -that, too, he secret keeps.

This reflects not on the brutal death of an unknown soldier on the fields of No-Man’s Land, but is rather an understated, euphemistic tribute to his reserved life in England, with the title containing a subtle double entendre. It is typical of Thomas in these lines to blend events of the war with ones in England; he links the death of a soldier with a habitual action of happier days, and the contrast between the two is poignant.

            Throughout his life, Thomas was surprised by and loathed in equal measure the propaganda, jingoism and racism incited by nationalists and the press, and ‘This Is No Case Of Petty Right Or Wrong’ is perhaps his angriest response to the war. In it, we are given a truly patriotic view, which contrasts with Rupert Brooke’s more conventional and idealistic opinions: Thomas, an avid birdwatcher and plant expert, who once claimed his truest fellow co-nationals were the birds, saw the countryside with an intense emotional realism, and, at times, the poem appears almost as an ode to ‘an England clear and beautiful’. Furthermore, this poem was written several months after Thomas had voluntarily enlisted to fight: a testament to his deep love of his country. When questioned why, as a married man too old to be conscripted, he had chosen to join the army, his response was to pick up a handful of dirt and reply, ‘Literally, for this.’

This is no case of petty right or wrong
That politicians or philosophers
Can judge. I hate not Germans, nor grow hot
With love of Englishmen, to please newspapers.
Beside my hate for one fat patriot
My hatred of the Kaiser is love true:-
A kind of god he is, banging a gong.
But I have not to choose between the two,
Or between justice and injustice. Dinned
With war and argument I read no more
Than in the storm smoking along the wind
Athwart the wood. Two witches' cauldrons roar.
From one the weather shall rise clear and gay;
Out of the other an England beautiful
And like her mother that died yesterday.

Little I know or care if, being dull,
I shall miss something that historians
Can rake out of the ashes when perchance
The phoenix broods serene above their ken.
But with the best and meanest Englishmen
I am one in crying, God save England, lest
We lose what never slaves and cattle blessed.
The ages made her that made us from dust:
She is all we know and live by, and we trust
She is good and must endure, loving her so:
And as we love ourselves we hate our foe.

            Thomas feels no hate for the Germans, but no love either for his narrow-minded, nationalist countrymen. Instead, his love for his country is stemmed from what it truly is, and not created through a hatred of the enemy: he even goes as far as to exercise a degree of admiration for Kaiser Wilhelm, who is a ‘kind of god… banging his gong.’

            There is no evidence to suggest that Thomas was ever in the company of his contemporary W.B Yeats, but it seems likely that their paths would have crossed in the small sphere of London poetry. However, during his work as a reviewer, Thomas appraised the Irishman’s work fourteen times between 1902 and 1913, and felt that his reputation was ‘not only assured, but pre-eminent among the distinguished poets still in their prime.’ He admired him greatly, and, when reading his poetry, perceived: ‘I seem to find, with astonishment, that verse is the natural speech of men, as singing is of birds’; this concept would become fundamental to Thomas’s own poetry a decade on.

            ‘This Is No Petty Case Of Right Or Wrong’ is redolent of Yeat’s ‘An Irish Airman Forsees His Death’, written three years on. Lines such as ‘Those that I fight I do not hate/ Those that I guard I do not love’ chime with ‘I hate not Germans, nor grown hot/ With love of Englishmen,’ whilst ‘Nor law, nor duty bade me fight/ Nor public man, nor cheering crowds/ A lonely impulse of delight/ Drove to this tumult in the clouds’ is reminiscent of Thomas’s message as well: both men are concerned with carrying out actions through a true love of something.

            A master of the brief lyric, in ‘In Memoriam’ [Easter 1915], Thomas shows how the war invades even pastoral England, so beloved to him:
           
The flowers left thick at nightfall in the wood
This Eastertide call into mind the men,
Now far from home, who, with their sweethearts, should
Have gathered them and will do never again.

An economic, yet profoundly moving poem, this concise, four-line vignette contemplating the loss suffered back in England is infused with a deep sense of grief. There is a profusion of flowers, but no men to pick them: ironically, the reader is reminded of death through Nature’s excess. Using a heart-wrenching syntax, Thomas allows his reader the tantalising possibility that perhaps the men will be returning to their loved ones, before snatching this away through the final four words.

            Mirroring this poem is another, written the following year, entitled ‘The Cherry Trees’:

The cherry trees bend over and are shedding,
On the old road where all that passed are dead,
Their petals, strewing the grass as for a wedding
This early May morn when there is none to wed.

            Many parallels can be drawn between this and ‘In Memoriam’. They both take the form of elegiac quatrains, with an ABAB rhyme contained in a sophisticated, yet succinct, stanza. They are also both concerned with the tragedy of the losses sustained during World War I, and use Nature as a vessel to demonstrate the painful echoes of the conflict, and the absences that it creates. The shedding of the blossom is a reminder of life’s transience; more poignant still is the second line, where the reader is informed that the soldiers that passed gaily along the road on their way to war are now dead, as was the case with many young men who departed for France. The petals are like confetti on a wedding day, but there is no longer anyone present to wed, as Thomas confirms in the shattering final line. Like the abundance of flowers in ‘In Memoriam’, the ‘early May morn’ in the idyllic English countryside now serves as a reminder of the thousands of soldiers dying on foreign soil. Again, both poems offer a morsel of solace, which is then swiftly removed: the prospect that the petals are being strewn for a wedding gives hope that perhaps there will be one in the near future; this is then eradicated by the direct reminder that there are ‘none to wed.’

            In his study, ‘A Literary Pilgrim In England’, Thomas visited those places that were special to writers, from William Blake and John Keats in London and the Home Counties, to Robert Burns and R.L Stevenson in Scotland, and William Wordsworth and Emily Bronte in the North. He may have drawn on this experience, adopting the persona of a literary wayfarer, to write ‘The Owl’:

Downhill I came, hungry, and yet not starved,
Cold, yet had heat within me that was proof
Against the north wind; tired, yet so that rest
Had seemed the sweetest thing under a roof.

Then at the inn I had food, fire, and rest,
Knowing how hungry, cold, and tired was I.
All of the night was quite barred out except
An owl's cry, a most melancholy cry.

Shaken out long and clear upon the hill
No merry note, nor cause of merriment,
But one telling me plain what I escaped
And others could not, that night, as in I went.
And salted was my food, and my repose,
Salted and sobered too, by the bird's voice
Speaking for all who lay under the stars,
Soldiers and poor, unable to rejoice.

            The opening word, ‘downhill’, is an authorial nudge that indicates failure and depression. The first consonant heard is hard and offers no respite to the listener; it is akin to the start of Wilfred Owen’s, ‘The Send-Off’: ‘Down the close, darkening lanes they sang their way.’ Echoed at the end of the line in ‘starved’, they act almost as bookends; there are many more dental consonants to be found, however, in words such as ‘cold’, ‘against’ and ‘tired’. The owl’s call is no source of joy; Thomas instead intends this as a lament, showing the loss and unhappiness of a country endangered by the darkness of war. The fate of those soldiers is present in many of his poems, and, as Owen said, ‘The poetry is in the Pity.’ Thomas shows himself again to be an engaging elegist for an England that was changing even as he wrote.

            He is the subject of a recent play, ‘The Dark Earth and the Light Sky’, which explores the final years leading up to his death, centred on his turbulent relationship with his wife Helen, his uplifting friendship with Frost, and his transition to verse, as he mined a rich seam of expression. One focus of the play is Thomas’s compulsive walking; he was, in essence, a tramp, and this exercise was one of the few activities that could raise him from the depression that he was so often overwhelmed by. Three weeks into the war, he was walking with Frost, and, observing the scenery around him, jotted in his notebook:

‘A sky of dark rough horizontal masses in N.W. with a 1/3 moon bright and almost orange low down clear of cloud and I thought of men east-ward seeing it at the same moment. It seems foolish to have loved England up to now without knowing it could perhaps be ravaged and I could and perhaps would do nothing to prevent it.’

            He may have been indifferent to the politics of the war, but it was these feelings, a deeper awareness of the plight of his country, that led Thomas to enlist as a soldier. It is also speculated that Frost’s poem, ‘The Road Not Taken’, contributed to his decision to join up, which ultimately led to his death. Thomas showed a keen interest in roads; they are one of the most frequent objects of his work, as well as his means of journeying. One poem, simply entitled ‘Roads’, is purely a celebration of just these, and commences with the gently praising statements:
I love roads:
The goddesses that dwell
Far along invisible
Are my favourite gods.

Roads go on
While we forget, and are
Forgotten like a star
That shoots and is gone.

            However, Thomas is not to be mistaken for merely a pastoral poet; his work teems with ghosts. The final three stanzas reflect this:

Now all roads lead to France
And heavy is the tread
Of the living; but the dead
Returning lightly dance:

Whatever the road bring
To me or take from me,
They keep me company
With their pattering,

Crowding the solitude
Of the loops over the downs,
Hushing the roar of towns
And their brief multitude.

            In typical Thomas style, he writes understatedly, and with nimbleness to his words.  Professor Peter Sacks said of them: ‘Sinuous, deft, wedding speech and song in their syntactic and prosodic mastery, the poems lightly mould themselves to a shape which they seem to hold without clutching. They move as Thomas would have walked - lithely, observantly, not wishing to disrupt the stir or shieldings of life along the edges of his path.’ These unsettling verses above are perhaps a reflection of his disturbed state of mind, yet, ‘Now all roads lead to France’ is a most decisive line, showing his final choice with regard to the war and his part in it. His job as a map-instructor in England in the army was perfectly sufficient for a man of his age, yet he was adamant that he desired more, and persistently requested to be sent to the front line. Upon arrival in France, his spirit was not daunted, and he thrived in the war environment; whilst not a violent man, it appears that he felt fulfilled when defending England. He was still greatly preoccupied by his surroundings, which possibly weighed on his mind more than the actual conflict: seldom did he look out over no-man’s land and contemplate the human suffering. Despite the proximity of the German trenches, brief notes from his diary in the early months of 1917 reveal his true thoughts, with observations on nature present in nearly every entry:

February 23rd- ‘The shelling must have slaughtered many jackdaws but has made home for many more.’
February 25th- ‘Chaffinches and partridges, moles working on surface… Does a mole ever get hit by a shell?’
March 11th- ‘At 6:15 all quiet and heard blackbirds chinking. Scene peaceful, desolate like Dunwich moors except sprinkling of white chalk on the rough brown ground.’
March 31st- ‘Blackbirds in the clear cold bright morning early in black Beaurains. Sparrows in the elder of the hedge I observe through a cherry tree just this side of the hedge makes a projection in trench with its roots. Beautiful clear evening everything dark and soft.’
April 5th- ‘Sods in f/c’s dugout begin to be fledged with fine green feathers of yarrow - yarrow. Beautiful pale hazy moonlight and the sag and flap of air.’

On the last pages of the diary, he simply recorded:

‘The light of the new moon and every star
And no more singing for the bird…
I never quite understood what was meant by God
The morning chill and clear hurts my skin while it delights my mind.
Neuville in early morning with its flat crest with trees and houses - the beauty of this silent empty scene of no inhabitants and hid troops, but didn’t know why I could have cried and didn’t.’

Pencilled on the back of a scrap of paper were also found the lines:

‘Where any turn may lead to Heaven
Or any corner may hide Hell
Roads shining up like river up hill after rain.’
           
            He may have written verse for only a short period of time, but Thomas’s enduring work has not diminished in its poignancy or impact. Much of it was engendered by the war, but he did not allow it to be overwhelmed by the conflict and negativity. Although his subject choices are not particularly grand, the crisp yet graceful execution of his poems provides a deep insight into the loveliness of England. The seamless and skilful marriage of pastoral charm with the slaughter of warfare is a testament to his poetic ability, which flourished rapidly during those fleeting years, and there is a hint of the numinous in his work, fringing both his private elation with the beauty he witnessed, and despair at the destruction around him.  Thomas gave life to a whole new way of considering poetry, in relation to the ordinary speech of humans, and employed those everyday phrases and rhythms into his own work. Other poets have since paid homage to him: Dylan Thomas recorded that, ‘The shy, passionate love he breathed into his compassionate poems lives now in a number of people. His love has multiplied. He has grown, simply and surely, into our language’; Ted Hughes distilled it to ‘He is the father of us all.’

Sunday, 25 November 2012

To the 16th Century and Back: My Review of Hilary Mantel's 'Wolf Hall'


‘Wolf Hall’ is a dazzling, bewitching insight into the richly textured world of Tudor England, revolving around Henry VIII and his relentless quest to provide a male heir for his country and make Anne Boleyn his bride. This novel does not seek to inform the reader about the religious and social turmoil of the time; in fact, previous knowledge of this period is needed to sustain the reader through the intricate plot, with a character list that spreads five pages alone. Mantel rewrites Tudor history through the keen eyes of Thomas Cromwell, who is cast as the book’s protagonist. We follow him on his journey from the abused son of a blacksmith to the loyal servant of Cardinal Wolsey, a character who lives on in Cromwell’s mind long after his death, to a trusted advisor of the king and the confidante of Anne Boleyn.

            Mantel’s narrative style is remarkable, akin to a constant stream of Cromwell’s consciousness, yet she uses only ‘he’ to refer to his thoughts. This proximity to the character achieves an impressive feat: Cromwell is rehabilitated, for his human side is depicted as well as his ruthless ambition. However, this does make it hard to decipher who is speaking, and it took me a while to tune into the frequency of her prose. Nevertheless, this idiosyncrasy is forgotten in the vivid, unique imagery that illuminates her work, and a fluid enjambement that completely engrosses the reader. She is a self-confessed addict to colons, which are ubiquitous in her prose.

            The use of the present tense creates immediacy; however, ‘Wolf Hall’ is so sumptuous with minute, meticulous details, that they act almost as speed bumps, forcing the reader to adopt a slow reading pace to fully appreciate the cornucopia of historical embellishments: from the stench of the privy to the texture of the king’s clothes, from a delicate description of Thomas More’s turkey carpet to a graphic depiction of the gruesome burning of a heretic, whose ‘chains retained the remnants of flesh, sucking and clinging’. No expense is spared: Mantel’s England is a filthy, bloody affair. The detail found is a testament to the length of the book, as Mantel takes 650 pages to move her reader through a relatively short time span. For me, reading it was a labour of love: you emerge from the 16th Century after half an hour to find that you have read perhaps only ten pages of the book. In a review of the sequel, ‘Bring Up The Bodies’, Nicole Shulman wrote in the Spectator that, ‘in her [Mantel’s] historical fiction, the rubble of research is ground to a dust so fine that it settles into every phrase, every glance and gesture, so that we seem really to see through eyes that opened on the late 15th Century.’

            ‘Wolf Hall’ is also pervaded by the spirits of Cromwell’s past, affording it a strange, dream-like quality. This is a characteristic of many of Mantel’s books, and her state of mind is understandable after reading her aptly-named autobiography, ‘Giving Up The Ghost’. She has been haunted throughout her life by the child that she could never have; the figures of his dead wife and children linger in Cromwell’s mind as well. One description encapsulates this: ‘he doesn’t believe that the dead come back; but that doesn’t stop him from feeling the brush of their fingertips, wingtips, against his shoulder. Since last night they have been less individual forms and faces than a solid, aggregated mass, their flesh slapping and jostling together, their texture dense like sea creatures, their faces sick with an undersea sheen’.

            To comb through ‘Wolf Hall’s dense forest of language would take too long, and I feel I cannot do it justice in text; such powerful, compelling words deserve to be savoured in their original form. This book and, I assume, its sequel, were thoroughly deserving of the Man Booker prize; it remains to be seen whether the culmination to her Tudor trilogy is duly rewarded, or if she has inherited a poisoned chalice. One thing is certain: her writing is unlike anything I have ever experienced, and she is arguably our finest living writer.

Saturday, 25 August 2012

Has Mankind Learned Anything From History?


This article was featured on the blog of 'It's History Podcasts' in August 2013: http://itshistorypodcasts.com/blog/2013/8/22/remembering-the-past-has-mankind-learnt-anything-from-history#.UhkVaDnU6FI

History is the study of mankind and its development through the ages. An awareness of the past is essential in order to provide a perspective on the problems of the present, and to understand people and societies which have been built on the foundations of our history. However, man does not always apply this knowledge to situations, condemning himself to repeat the mistakes of previous generations. George Bernard Shaw said ‘We learn from history that we learn nothing from history’: there is much truth to be found in this statement. History is saturated with bloody wars and struggles for power, many of which could have been avoided had the instigators considered the past.

            In contrast, Lord Macaulay declared that ‘The history of England is emphatically the history of progress’: our country has evolved and grown, advancing in all areas of civilisation, and such developments could not have been made without considering mistakes made along the way.  There are countless instances where people have reflected on past errors and resolved that they will not recur. For example, shipbuilders will never again assume that a boat is unsinkable after the infamous disaster of Titanic in 1912, where 1514 people died due to a lack of lifeboats. 

            Perhaps the most frequently-repeated occurrence throughout history is war. Despite the devastating consequences, man’s greed for power and inability to live harmoniously with his fellows has led to countless conflicts. Ironically, World War I was known as ‘the war to end all wars’, as it was one of the most shattering conflicts ever recorded, triggering the collapse of three major empires. However, World War II broke out just twenty one years later. This was the deadliest and most widespread conflict in history, with around 60 million fatalities and the only use of nuclear weapons in a war. Nuclear warfare was threatened in the Cold War between America and Russia, and there are many lessons to be gained from these periods, which should be studied carefully to prevent future generations from making the same errors.  One hopes that the implications of deploying nuclear weapons, and the devastation wreaked by the two atomic bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, will leave a long-lasting legacy, deterring countries from considering nuclear warfare as an acceptable weapon. North Korea and Iran in particular should pay heed to this.

            Religious genocides have occurred since antiquity, and are a common theme throughout history. Overall, more than 6 million Jews were believed to have died in the Holocaust, of which approximately 1.5 million were children. Despite the atrocities committed against the Jews during this time, after they had endured centuries of persecution from races such as the Assyrians, Egyptians, Romans and French, it did not end mass killings under the pretext of religion. For example, there is the ongoing violence in Sudan and Tibet, and the ethnic cleansing in the Balkans in the late 20th century. It could be said that being human is the potential to do good and evil, and therefore, although most look back and vow never to repeat the brutalities of the past, there will always be those who disregard this with a warped viewpoint on the moral way in which to treat others.

            Following the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, religious violence escalated between the Shi’a and Sunni branches of Islam to the point of a civil war that still continues today. Iraq comprises 65% Shi’as, although dispute first arose when the Sunnis disagreed over their status as a minority. The Shi’as have suffered direct persecution at the hands of a Sunni government since 1932, especially under the reign of Saddam Hussein. The two sects have now fallen into a cycle of revenge killings, with the Sunni’s preferred methods being car bombs and suicide bombers in contrast to the Shi’as’ death squads. There is a colourful historical backdrop to the relations between Sunni and Shi’as: since Mohammed’s death there have been many clashes between the two, often influenced by the political landscape of the time. Instead of accepting that such conflict between branches of religions ends only in bloodshed, these dissidents create renewed terror and violence, and do not embrace their theological differences, but inflict terrorism on the rest of the population. They are so blind to the error of their prejudices that they do not see the mistakes of past generations and try to make amends: instead they pursue their desire for superiority.

            The French were beaten in the first Indochina conflict, ending in 1954, but this did not prevent the US Army from being defeated by North Vietnamese troops and their Communist allies in the following years. America did not recognise that attempting to beat the enemy on its home soil was futile, and again, this crucial factor has been overlooked in the current conflicts in Afghanistan and Iraq.

            In his latest book, ‘Playing the Great Game: Britain, War and Politics in Afghanistan since 1839’, Dr. Edmund Yorke explores the tension between the political and military forces. Yorke argues that unnecessary political interference or negligence of military operations has consistently contributed to serious failures in Britain’s policy towards Afghanistan over the past 170 years. He highlights the same political and military errors that have occurred throughout the four major Anglo-Afghan wars of 1839-‘42, 1878-‘80, 1919 and the continuing conflict today. Brigadier Ed Butler, Commander of the British Forces wrote, ‘If only his book had been available in 2001 and was required reading for all government ministers, officials and senior officers’. This is a reflection of how invading armies are often doomed to repeat the same mistakes, due to the incompetence and ignorance of their leaders. There are many parallels to be found in today’s conflict in Afghanistan and previous wars, and it may be time to find a political solution to avoid any more fatalities.

Proposing that all men should share the same opinions and live peacefully together is an unrealistic demand. Wars have shaped the world in which we live, and will continue to do so: by nature, man is a belligerent species. Seeing bloodshed may teach people that fighting each other is wrong, but it will not stop them from going to war to fight for their beliefs.  It is therefore unrealistic to expect mankind always to learn from its mistakes, as conflict between people is inevitable. It is the evolution of warfare that demonstrates whether man has actually learned from his past.

            Conflict between the Church and monarchy is also a recurrent theme. In 1170, Archbishop Thomas Becket was brutally murdered by the knights of his former friend, King Henry II, in a culmination to a bitter quarrel that had been raging for several years. To pay penance for Becket’s murder, Henry dropped his plans for greater control over the Church and in 1174 walked barefoot through Canterbury and was whipped for his sins. Unfortunately, Henry’s son John did not learn from his father’s experience, and argued with the Pope, causing him to be excommunicated. It is not surprising that the Magna Carta of 1215 contained a clause stating that the Church should be free to obey the Pope above the monarch.

            The Church was certainly one of the most powerful and influential forces in Medieval England. When the Pope forbade Henry VIII from divorcing his first wife Catherine of Aragon, Henry reacted by declaring that the Pope no longer held divine authority in England, and founded his own church, the Church of England. This led to the dissolution of the monasteries, which had significant social impacts. Although the consequences are not as severe, the Church and the state still clash, most recently with the Anglican and Roman Christian Churches in Britain rejecting the coalition government’s plans to legalise same sex marriage.

            King John was a notoriously bad king: one monk wrote of him, ‘Hell is defiled by the fouler presence of John’. He plotted the downfall of his own brother, Richard I, betrayed his father, and quarrelled so bitterly with the Pope over the next Archbishop of Canterbury that he was excommunicated, and an Interdict was passed over England and Wales. During his 17-year reign he lost most of the land held in France. Determined to regain this, he taxed and fined his subjects heavily, imprisoning them when they could not pay their debts. When he invaded France in 1214, his army was crushed by Phillip II at the Battle of Bouvines, meaning that all his taxes had been wasted in an unsuccessful war effort. This angered his barons so greatly that they forced him to agree to a set of rules, the Magna Carta, decreeing how the country should be governed. This was a cornerstone of democracy, and the start of a monarch’s power being limited. His subjects had seen the consequences of power corrupting a king, and to this day, there are checks and balances in place to ensure no power becomes too great in Britain.

            Democracy has evolved from the Ancient Greeks, coming from two Greek words: ‘demos’, meaning people, and ‘kratia’, meaning rule. Many modern democracies have come into being after the population of a country rose up against its leaders with a common aim of altering the way in which its country is governed. After the English Revolution, Parliament became gradually more important, although this power still changed over the years, allowing middle-class, then working-class men to vote, and eventually permitting women to vote on equal terms with men in 1928. After the American Revolution, when thirteen American colonies declared themselves independent of Britain, a constitution ensured that no part of their new federal and state system could become too powerful. Although in the short term the French Revolution did not work, the French managed to establish a democratic republic in 1871. These revolutions demonstrate to mankind that ultimately the population of a country must be content, as they are the foundations of the nation. The Arab Spring is a recent series of uprisings in the Arab world. These have led to the deposing of the leaders of Egypt, Tunisia, Libya and Yemen, with civil uprisings in Syria and Bahrain. The subsequent violence these rebellions and protests have triggered could have been avoided if a more tolerable regime had been used in the countries.
           
            Countries could learn from Britain’s mistakes in the 20th Century: many democratic systems were set up in ex-colonies, with Parliaments responsible to the Queen. These systems have not fared so well, and many Commonwealth countries have become dictatorships. The governing of a country is a precarious task, as people will always have conflicting views. By taking into account the successes and failings of past methods, disquiet can be limited to minimum. For example, Margaret Thatcher would have done well to pay heed to the Peasants’ Revolt of 1381. There was excessive taxation to pay for the Hundred Years’ War, which was not of common concern, and a poll tax was introduced. This was one of the main factors that contributed to the rebelling of up to 100,000 people who marched on London and demanded audiences with Richard II. Although the revolt was a failure in the short term, in the long term, many of its aims were achieved. This included the abolition of poll taxes. If Mrs Thatcher had paid more attention to this period in history, she might not have faced riots after introducing the controversial Community Charge in 1990.

            The hypothesis of eternal recurrence, developed by Friedrich Nietzche, theorises history as being beyond our control.  It states that since the probability of our existence occurring is finite, and time and space are infinite, then our existence will repeat an endless amount of times. If this is the case, it suggests that all patterns and similar events through history will recur repeatedly, despite attempts to prevent this.  If this theory were true, then even if mankind were to learn from every error that has happened, any improvements would be in vain as all events will inevitably happen again.

            I believe that the statement ‘Mankind has learned nothing from history’ is too indistinct a generalisation of mankind to represent the billions of individual opinions and wills of people: there will be those who strive to extract all the lessons they can from history and there will also be those who follow their own beliefs, irrespective of those before them.  People’s perspective on life is also constantly changing, moulded by their environment, and it is therefore unrealistic to apply the standards of the present to events in the past.  History cannot predict what will happen in the future. Historians can try to find patterns that correspond with historical evidence, but, unlike the certainty and precision of scientific laws, these can be used only as guidelines.

            Isaiah Berlin’s August Compte Lecture, later published under the title ‘Historical Inevitability’, argues that human beings’ capacity to make moral decisions makes them unique. However, the historian, E.H. Carr, believed that impersonal forces such as greed defined human behaviour.  To assert the inevitability of past events, as Carr did, was to forsake moral obligation for our own present actions. However, the two were united in the fact that historians always look for meaning and pattern in the past: they investigate causes in order to explain what happened. Carr argued that ‘what distinguishes the historian is the proposition that one thing led to another. Secondly, while historical events were of course set in motion by the individual wills, whether of ‘great men’ or ordinary people, the historian must go behind the individual wills and inquire into the reasons which made the individuals will and act as they did, and study the ‘factors’ or ‘forces’ which explain individual behaviour.’ This compelling case suggests that if we perhaps paid more attention to the work of historians, devastating historic recurrence could be avoided.  As as the German scholar and philosopher, Friedrich von Schlegel observed, ‘The historian is a prophet looking backwards.’


Saturday, 2 June 2012

'Wind' by Ted Hughes- Analysis


Wind

This house has been far out at sea all night,
The woods crashing through darkness, the booming hills,
Winds stampeding the fields under the window
Floundering black astride and blinding wet

Till day rose; then under an orange sky
The hills had new places, and wind wielded
Blade-light, luminous black and emerald,
Flexing like the lens of a mad eye.

At noon I scaled along the house-side as far as
The coal-house door. Once I looked up -
Through the brunt wind that dented the balls of my eyes
The tent of the hills drummed and strained its guyrope,

The fields quivering, the skyline a grimace,
At any second to bang and vanish with a flap;
The wind flung a magpie away and a black-
Back gull bent like an iron bar slowly. The house

Rang like some fine green goblet in the note
That any second would shatter it. Now deep
In chairs, in front of the great fire, we grip
Our hearts and cannot entertain book, thought,

Or each other. We watch the fire blazing,
And feel the roots of the house move, but sit on,
Seeing the window tremble to come in,
Hearing the stones cry out under the horizons

Ted Hughes

Biography:

Often referred to as one of the greatest 20th century poets, Ted Hughes was born in Yorkshire in 1930. He began to write his first poems aged 15, before winning a scholarship to study English at Cambridge, although he switched to Archaeology and Anthropology in his third year there. His first published poem appeared in 1954, the year of his graduation, and his first book of poems, 'Hawk in the Rain', was published in 1957. The previous year he had met the American poet, Sylvia Plath, and they were married in four months. Over the next 41 years he would write over 90 books, winning numerous prizes and fellowships, and was appointed England's poet laureate in 1984, with his love of nature a key influence in his work. However, his personal life was less successful. His marriage to Sylvia Plath was a turbulent one, and they separated after seven years. She committed suicide in 1963, gassing herself in her kitchen a year after their separation, and many held Hughes responsible as a result of his affair with Assia Wevill. Six years later, Wevill killed herself and their four-year old daughter, Shura. His reputation was marred by these tragedies, and it was with great surprise that the literary world received 'Birthday Letters' in 1998, the year of his death from cancer. This volume was dedicated to Sylvia Plath, and paints a tender portrait of every aspect of his relationship with her. The intensity and beauty of his language is breathtaking, and every poem I have read contains fresh, striking imagery that perfectly encapsulates its subject.

Analysis:

‘Wind’ is one of Ted Hughes’ most formidable poems, showing an entirely different aspect to this element. Unlike many other poets such as John Clare (‘A Morning Breeze’), Hughes is not concerned with describing the beauty and serenity of a balmy breeze; his aim is solely to communicate the relentless, godly strength and power of the wind that he knows from stormy days on the moors of the Pennines, using pathetic fallacy as the main device to describe both the wind and its victims.
            
            In the first of six four-line stanzas, Hughes describes the tempestuous night that has passed. The opening line is both simple but striking, comparing a solid house to a flimsy boat that has been tossed and smashed in a sea gale, with the words ‘far out’ and ‘all night’ suggesting the house is marooned in isolation. Like terrified, panicked animals, the woods have been ‘crashing through darkness’ while the hills are ‘booming’ with the thunderous sound of the wind. Personification is used to convey its almighty, dangerous power: it was ‘stampeding the fields’ while the land was futilely ‘floundering’ in the ‘blinding wet’.  The oceanic metaphor continues, conjuring up an image of a night mastered by the storm that rages through the dark. However, the beginning of the second verse is misleading: ‘till day rose’ indicates that finally the storm is over, whereas, in fact, the ensuing chaos is almost more intense, undiluted by the rain that saturates the first four lines.
            
            No longer black, the sky has now adopted the unnatural, ominous colour of orange, and as a consequence of the previous night, the ‘hills had new places’: the wind is so powerful that it has the ability to alter the very landscape it rules. It is also armed and ready to do battle with the earth again with renewed vigour, demonstrated by the martial image ‘wind wielded blade-light.’ Imagining the wind as an Anglo-Saxon warrior, Hughes shows that it has harnessed the power of light to its weaponry, and conveys a crazed frenzy. It is as though the wind even has a face, with the ‘black and emerald’ the colours of its pupil and iris. However, they are ‘luminous’, and the light from its wild face is ‘flexing like the lens of a mad eye’: a surreal concept conveying brilliantly the strange light and unpredictability in the aftermath of a storm. 
           
            The third stanza opens with the line, ‘at noon, I scaled along the house side’, as Hughes continues with the metaphor of the house as a boat.  Inching along the wall for protection, he reaches ‘as far as the coal house door’; by starting a new line after ‘as far as’, Hughes creates an exaggerated climax before recording the small distance that he actually managed to navigate. This first-person perspective is most effective in conveying the poet’s vulnerability. Hunched and stooped, he dares to look up just once, and immediately the balls of his eyes feel ‘dented’ by the ‘brunt wind’. This shocking sensory image of an eyeball being violently assaulted by a hard object conveys the brute force of the wind. The internal rhyme of ‘dented’ and ‘tent’ adds to the harsh, metallic feel of the verse, continuing with ‘the tent of the hills drummed and strained its guyrope’. Not only is the physical shape of the curved landscape depicted, this metaphorical image of movement shows the inescapable wind as being almost within the earth, its formidable power nearly snapping the ropes that anchor the hills to the ground.
            
            In the literal and figurative ‘the fields quivering’, Hughes shows not only the rippling appearance of the land, but personifies it as well: previously, the fields were stampeded by the wind, now they tremble in submission and distress. The sky too is mastered by the wind, with an arresting description of the shape of the horizon as a ‘grimace’, wincing in fear and pain. This is followed by the onomatopoeic, ‘bang and vanish with a flap’: such is the nature of these words that they demand to be read quickly and suddenly, demonstrating the unpredictable state of the land at the merciless hands of the wind, and the upheaval and tension it causes. With careless ease, the wind ‘flung a magpie away’: it is personified as it hurls a bird as thoughtlessly as a human might a discarded object.  ‘Flung’ also indicates a temper.  In contrast to the rapid pace of this stanza, the reader is then forced to slow down with the monosyllabic ‘black-back gull bent like an iron bar slowly’, which links closely with the image being described, as the assonantal rhythm mirrors the meaning. Material is of no consequence to the wind, as it easily alters the shape of both metal and earth, and nature is helpless in the face of the wind’s demented onslaught.
            
            ‘The house’ is deliberately placed in the stanza above the rest of its sentence to create impact for the opening of the next verse, as it matches the harsh assonance of sounds of ‘iron’ and ‘slowly’. It also sits alone, perilously exposed. The wind has now reached a frequency so powerful that it could shatter Hughes’ home like ‘a fine green goblet’, showing that compared to the wind, mere bricks and mortar are extremely delicate and fragile. The wind has again reached inside its subjects: before, it threatened to burst from within the hills; now, it howls inside the house at a frequency that could shatter glass. There is a sense of urgency and tension in the words  ‘any second would shatter it’, with Hughes and his house now in immediate danger.
            
            Despite the reassurance of being ‘deep in chairs’ by a ‘great fire’, this is no match for the wind, and Hughes and his family are uneasy and unsettled by its presence. It has invaded their minds, for they ‘cannot entertain book, though, or each other.’ Instead, they sit brooding, watching the fire while they ‘feel the roots of the house move’. There is no security to be found, and again, the house is in danger of being hurled away, and shifts to rearrange its position in the earth. The windows not only tremble with the force of the wind that hammers them, but are personified as afraid, desperate to seek shelter within the walls of the house. In the concluding lines, they hear the ‘stones cry out under the horizons’: even the prehistoric stones are weeping in desperation at the cruel havoc caused by the wind.
            
            Hughes uses enjambement to create fluidity much like the flow of the wind, although there is no regular rhyme pattern, showing that its inexhaustible energy cannot be limited. Hughes portrays how its sheer elemental force masters the land, sky, light, fire and stones in an assault of sense images which reflect its immeasurable rage. However, the tone is not one of criticism, but of awe at its power. He also highlights the insignificance of man compared to such strength, with the personification serving to blur the line between nature and humanity, as all are helpless in the face of the wind.