The Death of Rasputin

This article was published on the blog of 'It's History Podcasts': http://itshistorypodcasts.com/blog/2014/2/1/a-plot-against-the-russian-royal-familys-unlikely-aide-could-rasputin-be-killed#.UxEIsjnBGFJ


The Moika Palace, resplendent in yellow hues, stretches like a supine lion beside the river in St. Petersburg. The residence of the Yusopov family from 1830 to 1917, it was the site of a gruesome murder that continues to mystify and intrigue today, for the details of the night read like a vividly-imagined crime story. No definitive and coherent narrative exists; indeed, the only eyewitness accounts are those of the assassins themselves, and these are, of course, biased. They do, however, provide a starting point from which strands of fiction and truth can be separated and ordered.

Grigori Rasputin’s stratospheric rise to power – akin, perhaps, to Thomas Cromwell’s – transformed him from an illiterate peasant to the trusted confidante of the Russian royal family. This association was divisive, at times scandalous, and ultimately destructive: his presence at court and sway over them – in particular the Tsarina – contributed to increasing resentment towards the Romanovs in the months preceding the February Revolution of 1917, and precipitated their downfall. An enigmatic figure, much of Rasputin’s life is obscured by conflicting accounts of his character and actions. He was portrayed by his followers as a ‘starets’ or mystical ‘elder’, who possessed supernatural powers to heal the heir to the throne. His critics, on the other hand, regarded him as a licentious and decadent charlatan with a propensity for excessive drinking. He was despised by many in the highest echelons of society, who believed that their bête noire was corroding the popularity of the Romanov dynasty. In the winter of 1916, this resentment became overwhelming.

Prince Felix Yusopov, heir to a vast fortune and husband to the Tsar’s niece, arrived at Rasputin’s house in the middle of the night of 16^th December in order to escort him to the Moika Palace. The invitation had been extended at an earlier date: the prince had decided to entice Rasputin to his home by indicating that his beautiful wife, Irina, would be present. In fact, Irina was staying in the Crimea with his parents. Rasputin seemed to have taken particular care over his appearance that evening, donning a silk shirt embroidered with cornflowers, velvet breeches and polished boots. Even his unkempt, matted beard had been combed. Yusopov led Rasputin outside, where a car driven by Dr. Stanislaus de Lazovert was waiting to take them to the palace.

A basement in the east wing had been specially prepared for the occasion. There was a convivial atmosphere: the room was sumptuously furnished with a thick Persian carpet on the floor, and a fire crackled in the background. A gramophone in the adjoining study played ‘Yankee Doodle’, and tempting cakes were laid out on the table. To avoid suspicion, tea had been poured into cups to give the impression that a meal had taken place there recently. The mise-en-scène was set. Unbeknown to Rasputin, Yusopov and his fellow disaffected conspirators had laced the cakes with enough cyanide ‘to kill several men instantly.’ These collaborators, who included the Tsar’s cousin, Grand Duke Dmitry Pavlovich, and a forthright politician, Vladimir Purishkevich, were waiting elsewhere for the deed to be executed. When Rasputin enquired after Irina, he was informed that she would be joining them shortly. Yuspov then proceeded to offer him the sweet pastries and poisoned wine. At first, Rasputin declined, citing reasons of health: had he detected that treachery was afoot? Eventually, however, he relented and sampled a few of the delicacies. They had crossed the Rubicon: Yusopov’s work was complete.

Several hours later, the poisoned wine and pastries had had no effect on Rasputin. One can only imagine Yusopov’s disquiet as that inviolable gaze continued to bore into him with unnerving intensity. Rasputin’s face is almost simian in photographs, with a feral, hypnotic glint in his eyes suggesting a simmering madness. Yusopov recalled in his memoirs: ‘Under Rasputin's heavy gaze, I felt all my self-possession leaving me; an indescribable numbness came over me, [and] my head swam.’ In desperation, Yusopov retreated upstairs to seek the counsel of the other men, who were shocked at Rasputin’s apparent immunity to the poison. It was agreed that Yusopov should go back armed with a revolver to put an end to the fiend, for who could survive being shot?

Rasputin was observing a cabinet inlaid with ebony in the corner of the room when Yusopov returned with the gun concealed behind his back. He is reputed to have exclaimed, ‘Grigori Efimovich, you would do better to look at the crucifix and pray to it,’ before shooting him in the chest. With his silk shirt stained with blood, Rasputin lay dead upon a bearskin rug. Yusopov informed the others of his success, but was ‘suddenly filled with a vague misgiving; an irresistible impulse forced me to go down to the basement.’ What followed next could be plucked straight from the pages of a horror story. According to Yusopov, ‘Rasputin leapt to his feet, foaming at the mouth. A wild roar echoed through the vaulted rooms, and his hands convulsively thrashed the air. He rushed at me, trying to get at my throat, and sank his fingers into my shoulder like steel claws. His eyes were bursting from their sockets, blood oozed from his lips. And all the time he called me by name, in a low raucous voice.’ Such claims should be taken with a pinch of salt, however: it is important to note that Yusopov was seeking to justify his actions by portraying Rasputin as a demonic monster from whom he had saved Russia.

As Rasputin attempted to escape through the garden, Yusopov called for assistance from Purishkevich. The latter seized a revolver and felled him with two shots. They bound his body and drove to the Malaya Nevka River, where they cast it off a bridge into an ice-hole. Two days later, a frozen corpse was dredged up, and, to the amazement of onlookers, Rasputin’s arms were raised as though he had been struggling to escape from his bonds. Some press reports even suggest that a few people rushed to the site clutching pots and buckets, believing that the water surrounding this individual might instill in them a measure of his mystical power.

Whilst the murderers’ accounts are compelling, they are flawed and inaccurate, and do not stand up to close scrutiny. The autopsy carried out on the thawed corpse refutes many of Yusopov’s exaggerated statements. It revealed that Rasputin had been hit three times: once in the left side of his back, once in the left side of his chest, and once at close range in his forehead. The pathologists confirmed this final shot to be the cause of death, yet Purishkevich never mentioned firing a bullet into Rasputin’s head from such a short distance. The final contradiction of Yusopov’s testimony was the absence of poison in the body

As if the historian’s role is not challenged enough by excavating the past for gems of truth amongst the rubble of legend, let us now introduce Lieutenant Oswald Rayner to the list of dramatis personae. There is considerable evidence that the British viewed the situation in Russia as increasingly precarious and unstable: a mercurial compound jeopardised by the oxygen of revolution. The ambassador at the time, Sir George Buchanan, gave voice to these concerns in a meeting with the Tsar himself, in which he implored him to make some concessions regarding the constitution. ‘If I were to see a friend walking through a wood on a dark night along a path which I knew ended in a precipice, would it not be my duty, sir, to warn him of his danger? And is it not equally my duty to warn Your Majesty of the abyss that lies ahead of you?’

Rayner was a British officer employed by the Secret Intelligence Service (SIS) in St. Petersburg. He was also a contemporary of Felix Yuspov, for the two men had formed a close relationship when studying together at Oxford. The British were worried that Rasputin’s significant influence over the royal family would result in his directing them to withdraw troops from the war. This would have been catastrophic for the Allies. Russia’s conflict with Germany in the East provided a crucial buffer, as it meant that the Germans could not concentrate all their forces on one front. Rayner visited the Yusopov residence on several occasions around the time of Rasputin’s death, leading some to suspect the SIS of instigating the assassination. Was it Rayner who shot Rasputin in the head with the precision of a trained killer? There were certainly persistent rumours that he had somehow been involved; even the Tsar and his family became wary of Buchanan and his supporters. The intelligence historian, Andrew Cook, uncovered an incriminatory message sent by a British intelligence officer in the aftermath of Rasputin’s death. If Rasputin is the ‘Dark Forces’ to which he refers, then this memo is most damning indeed: ‘Although matters here have not proceeded entirely to plan, our objective has clearly been achieved. Reaction to the demise of “Dark Forces” has been well-received by all… Rayner is attending to loose ends.’

Historians can dissect documents and posit theories, but, ultimately, the true events of that night will continue to elude them. Instead, they must sift through the pile of myths and reach their own conclusion. Should Yusopov’s account take precedence over others? Was the SIS complicit in the murder, or, indeed, can a different explanation altogether be justified? The most compelling aspect of Rasputin’s story is the aura of mystery surrounding his death: the truth has been swept away by time, with only a few fragments of the past remaining, half-glimpsed through the prism of the years.

Bibliography

Lost Splendour: The Amazing Memoirs of the Man Who Killed Rasputin – Felix Yusopov

My Mission to Russia, and Other Diplomatic Memories – Sir George Buchanan

How To Kill Rasputin: The Life and Death of Grigori Rasputin – Andrew Cook

George Orwell Biography

My biography of George Orwell has just been published. It has been a fascinating process, as it allowed me to explore the 20th century through the prism of one of its most prominent and significant commentators. 

 http://www.amazon.co.uk/George-Orwell-Explaining-History-Century-ebook/dp/B00HLRW8YQ/ref=sr_1_8?ie=UTF8&qid=1388570578&sr=8-8&keywords=julia+routledge

The Transformation of the Gulag

This piece was published as a guest article on 'Explaining History': http://www.explaininghistory.com/guest-articles/

‘We have been happily borne – or perhaps have unhappily dragged our weary way – down the long and crooked streets of our lives, past all kinds of walls and fences made of rotting wood, rammed earth, brick, concrete, iron railings. We have never given a thought to what lies behind them. We have never tried to penetrate them with our vision or our understanding. But there is where the Gulag country begins, right next to us, two yards away from us. In addition, we have failed to notice an enormous number of closely fitted, well-disguised doors and gates in these fences. All those gates were prepared for us, every last one! And all of a sudden the fateful gate swings quickly open, and four white male hands, unaccustomed to physical labour but nonetheless strong and tenacious, grab us by the leg, arm, collar, cap, ear, and drag us in like a sack, and the gate behind us, the gate to our past life, is slammed shut once and for all.’

Thus did Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn open his book, ‘The Gulag Archipelago.’ The first camp of this system, termed by him as a ‘mother tumour’ exuding ‘more metastases from itself’ was Solovki, known as SLON, situated on the Solovetsky islands. The transformation of this prison laid the foundations of the infamous Soviet labour camp organism: it was the prototype for the future brutality. Although not the only place where dissidents could be incarcerated in the early 1920s, it was, however, the guinea-pig of the Soviet secret police: they developed methods there which led to slave-labour becoming a profitable asset to the regime.

Clustered in the White Sea, the islands themselves are remote and isolated, although they have been the backdrop to a compelling historical vignette since the early 15^th century. Half a millennium before the Soviet Union rose to power, two Russian Orthodox monks stumbled upon the islands and remarked upon the absence of predators there, leading them to assume that the archipelago was sacred. Inspired by this blessed place, they established a monastery there. The Solovetsky Monastery became an economic and political hub in the following centuries: loyal devotees of the tsar, the monks aided him in exiling church heretics and opponents of autocracy, including Alexander Pushkin’s uncle, who had supported the Decembrist uprising. The monastery, supplied with a strong garrison and protected by an imposing fortress, was also on the border of the Russian Empire. As a result, it was crucial in repelling attacks from the Swedes, the Danes, and even the British during the Crimean War.

The incarcerations of the monastic era were eerily prophetic of what was to come. In the uncertain early days of the Soviet regime, White Army officers, aristocrats and other objectors were imprisoned at SLON from 1923 onwards. They shared the island not only with the monks and the guards, but also with a select group of socialist ‘politicals,’ who were granted privileges such as the right to newspapers and books, and freedom from work. However, the initial disparity between the conditions of the two groups was not to endure.

Arbitrary, vicious cruelty was commonplace. As documented by many survivors, the expression ‘there is no Soviet authority, only Solovetsky authority’ would become a familiar dictum. Alongside more conventional examples of torture, such as the threat of and subsequent carrying out of executions and beatings, several methods seem to be more unique to their setting: being sentenced ‘to the mosquitoes’ entailed the prisoner being tied to a post without any clothes on, and then left to be overrun by mosquitoes; rumours suggest that men were also killed by being thrown down a flight of 365 steep wooden steps. Disease and illness were rife, particularly typhus, which claimed around 1,500 lives in the winter of 1925-26. A former White Army soldier, Kiselev-Gromov, recounts in his memoirs that prisoners on one of the smaller islands, Anzer, were so desperate to escape the hard labour that they cut off their own hands and feet.

The camp was characterised by unpredictability in its early years, but this disorder was the catalyst for the birth of the Gulag system. It was as though the camp was unsure of its potential; as though ‘the child had not yet guessed its character.’ It was not clear whether the system was supposed to indoctrinate the prisoners, to punish them, or to generate earnings for the regime. However, by the middle of the decade, the Communists became acutely aware that SLON was failing in one of its crucial intended purposes: to become self-sufficient and profitable. Until as late as 1929, official figures state that in the Russian Republic of the Soviet Union ‘only 34 – 41% of all prisoners were engaged in work.’ In the first years of the camps, the country’s economy did not yet revolve around the Gulag, and the Five-Year plan, which demanded vast amounts of coal, oil, gas and wood, had not yet materialised. As Solzhenitsyn declared, ‘slave-driving the workers and allotting back-breaking work norms took the form of periodic outbursts, transitory anger; they had not yet become a vice-like system.’ When this shift occurred, punishments such as the pouring of water over prisoners in freezing temperatures, or allowing them to be consumed by mosquitoes were made redundant, as the new system venerated ‘trudosposobnost’, or the ‘capacity to work’, above all else.

Any pretence of rehabilitating the prisoners was dropped. Counter-revolutionaries and those with criminal convictions were amalgamated into one mass labour force, and the Solovetsky Society for Local Lore was closed, as were the camp’s newspapers and journals. Bizarrely, the only elements of the past system to remain were the Solovetsky theatre and museum, maintained to impress esteemed visitors such as the writer, Maxim Gorky. These drastic changes were partly the product of wider forces and structures, such as the pressing need for income and resources from the camps, and the futility of the chaos, which conspired to provoke perhaps an inevitable development in the camp’s functioning. On the other hand, agents of historical change cannot be overlooked either, and one individual’s remarkable role in its alteration is particularly significant.

Naftaly Frenkel remains an elusive and enigmatic character years after his death. According to Solzhenitsyn, he was born in Constantinople in 1883, the son of Turkish Jews. This is confirmed by his prisoner registration card, although claims of his purported origins ranged from being a manufacturer from Hungary to a worker in the Ford factory in America. Having travelled to the Soviet Union as a merchant, he was arrested in 1923 for ‘illegally crossing borders’ and was sentenced to ten years’ hard labour on Solovetsky. It is this inauspicious entry to SLON that makes the remainder of his tale so extraordinary: in a relatively short space of time, he was elevated from a prisoner to the camp’s commander, and was subsequently instrumental in its transformation.

It is widely believed that he was appalled at the economic mismanagement and disorder upon his arrival at the camp, and promptly submitted a detailed analysis to the prisoners’ complaints box. From here, the letter found its way into the hands of an administrator, who, believing it to be of interest to those above him in the hierarchy, forwarded it to Genrikh Yagoda, a Chekist bureaucrat who would ultimately lead the secret police. It is believed that Yagoda was so intrigued by this letter that he summoned Frenkel to meet with him in person. At this point, the story becomes further shrouded in mystery, for Frenkel himself claims to have been taken to Moscow, where he met with Stalin. However, the records seem to disprove this, as there is no mention of a meeting with the Party leader in the 1920s, although Frenkel did convene with Stalin in the 1930s, as well as benefiting from his protection during the purge years.

Frenkel was first the organiser and then the leader of the Economic-Commercial Department of SLON, and advanced its capabilities so greatly that the camps were seen not only to become self-supporting, but even profitable, as they began to divert business from others. They were, however, only seen to be self-supporting and profitable; in reality, SLON’s revenue in 1929 was falling short by 1.6 million roubles. Nevertheless, in 1925, for example, SLON outbid a local civilian forestry company for the right to deforest wood in Karelia, a development which created disquiet amongst the authorities. SLON was condemned as a ‘kommersant, a merchant with large, grabbing hands,’ whose ‘basic goal is to make profits.’

‘Every genuine prophet,’ pronounced Solzhenitsyn, ‘arrives when he is most acutely needed.’ The writer credited Frenkel as being ‘the nerve of the Archipelago’, as well as the innovator of the infamous system whereby prisoners were fed according to the amount of labour they performed. Frenkel implemented this simple process rigorously, creating three categories: those who carried out heavy work, those who carried out lighter work, and invalids. Each of these groups was instructed to meet certain standards and to carry out tasks specific to their capabilities, before being fed with rations commensurate with their individual performances. Anne Applebaum elaborates on this method: ‘In practice, the system sorted prisoners very rapidly into those who would survive, and those who would not. Fed relatively well, the strong prisoners grew stronger. Deprived of food, the weak prisoners grew weaker, and eventually became ill or died.’ Evidence indicates that this system of food proportionate to labour was employed before Frenkel’s rule, but, as Applebaum considers: ‘even if Frenkel did not invent every aspect of the system, he did find a way to turn a prison camp into an apparently profitable economic institution.’

A historian should not be a ‘hanging judge.’ On the contrary, those who study the past should detach themselves in order not to pass moral sentencing on those before them: the standards of the present should not be applied to the past. However, one can only wonder at Frenkel’s character, at his ability to distance himself callously from those with whom he was once imprisoned, and to treat them merely as a means to a profit. Solzhenitsyn paid no such heed to reservation, describing Frenkel’s face as brimming ‘with a vicious, human-hating animus,’ and ending his discussion of him by exclaiming that ‘I have the feeling he really hated his country!’

Upon his release from SLON, Raymond Duguet declared that ‘thanks to [Frenkel’s] horribly insensitive initiatives, millions of unhappy people are overwhelmed by terrible labour, by atrocious suffering.’ As noted above, Frenkel was saved from the Great Terror by personal favour with Stalin, despite the deaths of nearly all his former colleagues. Prior to this, when the Solovetsky archipelago became just another organ of Belomor-Baltiiskii Corrective Labour Camp, or ‘Belbeltlag,’ he was transferred to oversee the daily labour on the White Sea Canal from November 1931 until the end of its construction. He was awarded the Order of Lenin three times, and was released from his duties in 1947, before his death in 1960.

In the late 1930s, Soviet authorities still proclaimed Solovki to be economically unsustainable, and shut it down. More than 1,000 of its prisoners then vanished; it was not until 1995 that researchers finally unearthed documents indicating that the prisoners had been moved to the mainland in a clandestine operation, before being systematically executed and dumped in mass graves in a remote forest. Its legacy as the alma mater of the Gulag is notorious: like a shadow creeping across the ground, the practices brought to fruition in Solovki began to insinuate themselves into the mentality of the other labour camps across the nation. Solzhenitsyn’s words are chillingly accurate: ‘Then in in the thirties, a new camp era began, when Solovki even ceased to be Solovki – and became a mere run-of-the-mill Corrective Labour Camp. And the black star of the ideologist of that new era, Naftaly Frenkel, rose in the heavens, while his formula became the supreme law of the Archipelago: “We have to squeeze everything out of a prisoner in the first three months – after that, we don’t need him anymore.”’

Sources:

Anne Applebaum – ‘Gulag’

Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn – ‘Gulag Archipelago’

Hilary Mantel The Time Traveller: A Review of 'Bring Up The Bodies'

In ‘Wolf Hall’, Hilary Mantel charted Thomas Cromwell’s stratospheric rise to power, from the son of a blacksmith to Henry VIII’s most trusted confidante. Published three years later, ‘Bring Up The Bodies’ is arguably an even finer work of fiction. After a brief interval of two months, the curtain is raised at Wolf Hall, the seat of the Seymour family: a fitting reminder of one of the integral factors of the ensuing plot, that of Henry’s decision to rid himself of Anne Boleyn after tiring of her temerity and haughty recalcitrance, as well as her failure to produce a son.  Cromwell’s ascension to authority is remarkable, but the vicissitudes of fortune experienced by Anne are equally as dramatic, though far more disturbing.

Henry’s condemnation of his wife continues to seduce historians and authors alike, and Mantel also treads this well-worn path of history. Cromwell is employed with the task of executing his master’s wishes, carrying out his work ruthlessly, and following the vein of thought which declares that ‘once you have fixed on the destruction of an enemy, that destruction must be swift and it must be perfect.’ By fuelling the flames of pernicious rumours, he proceeds to amass insurmountable evidence of Anne’s adulterous ways, culminating in her eventual arrest and death, and the reader sees every event refracted through Cromwell’s mind. He believes that ‘Truth can break the gates down, truth can howl in the street; unless truth is pleasing, personable and easy to lie, she is condemned to stay whimpering at the back door.’ It is to this modus operandi that he adheres, though not so much out of malevolence as through indifferent ambition. Anne is, to him, ‘just another trader’ who has ‘laid out her goods’.   He performs his task coldly, in the way that a butcher might slaughter a calf, and this detachment, when fused with unexpected flickers of both personal compassion and wry cynicism, creates a disarming concoction.

A simple retelling of Anne Boleyn’s catastrophic fall from grace would not alone distinguish a book from others; it is Mantel’s meticulous rendering of the tale that elevates this story above the multitude of other Tudor ‘fictory.’ The climax, which the reader has been anticipating throughout the book, does not fail to shock, regardless of its inevitability: this is testament to her ability to dismantle this oft-told story and renovate it in a fresh, unique form. Like the title of the novel, the skeleton of Cromwell’s legacy is also exhumed, and Mantel places the king’s elusive and misunderstood right-hand man in a cage of words for the reader to observe as an eye-witness. Henry too is intricately portrayed, laid out for examination with all his insecure caprice and doubts on full display: his body is like an ‘island building itself or eroding itself,’ and somewhere within are ‘dark mires where only priests should wade, rush lights in their hands.’ Cromwell himself has not yet exorcised the ghosts of his past, which are only a ‘whisper, a touch, a feather’s breath’ from him. He perceives Katherine of Aragon, after her demise, as being ‘too fresh in her tomb to lie quiet.’ It is to her that he attributes Anne’s miscarriage, believing her to have ‘reached out and shaken Anne’s child free, so it is brought untimely into the world and no bigger than a rat.’

Mantel’s observations are razor-sharp; her narrative is at once muscular and economical. Writing in a fluent, yet pungent style, her prose is punctuated with startling originality, and weaves a rich tapestry of Tudor life. She holds up the crisp light of language to illuminate the past for her audience; they are like travellers being welcomed into the capable hands of a guide from the turbulent storms of court in 1535 and 1536. She even addresses her reader as ‘we’, thus heightening the intimacy. Nonetheless, Mantel is both involved and concealed from her readers. At times, phrases seem to verge on Eliotic ambiguity; at other moments, the repulsion or affection she entertains for her characters is evident. So intensely immersed is she in her writing that she confessed in a Radio 4 interview to feeling ‘in danger myself. I felt a kind of moral contamination creeping over me.’ In addition to the protagonist and those close to him, the sprawling, glittering array of dramatic personae into which she breathes life cannot be overlooked, for this courtly masque jostles for attention on the pages.

Mantel presents a veritable feast for the senses: as with any skilfully-crafted work of fiction, the reader is shown the world envisioned by the author, but is then able to select the finest descriptive morsels to nourish their own imagination. The 16th century setting is not constructed wholly from the fabric of another’s mind, and our own consciousness shades in that which is not shown, and that which we wish to decorate with our own ideas and preferences. Nevertheless, ‘Bring Up The Bodies’ is so sumptuous with tantalising historical trimmings that the reader more often than not succumbs to the platter of delectable delights on offer. The novel is suffused with quotidian minutiae, and Mantel embellishes the most mundane details with exquisite language to enhance their tangibility: from Anne Boleyn’s famous pearls wrapped around her neck like ‘little beads of fat’ to a glance that ‘slides away like a piece of silk over grass’; from the ‘susurration, tapestry-muffled, of polyglot conversation,’ to the elaborate list of an abbey’s inventory, including ‘a chasuble of changeable satin’ and ‘an alb of cloth of gold.’

In the Author’s Note at the end of the novel, Mantel observes that ‘Mr. Secretary remains sleek, plump and densely inaccessible, like a choice plum in a Christmas pie.’ However, one emerges with a sense of loss, for Cromwell and the places he inhabits are so convincingly realised that it takes some time to rub the sleep away and consider the vast distinction that exists between the 16th and 21st centuries. It is one of the novel’s triumphs that it manages to blend these lines so masterfully: one cannot help but find its characters analogous with figures in society today, and indeed, human nature, replete with its repertoire of virtues and vices, is a constant across the centuries. Yet Annalist historians speak of a ‘mentalité’ of a bygone epoch, loosely taken to mean the different ‘way of thinking’ exercised by people in the past. Professor John H. Arnold posited that ‘the problem – but also perhaps the solution – with ‘mentalité’ is that the people of the past are as different from us as we are from ourselves.  At certain moments they – and we – cohere around different patterns of behaviour, and the historian can certainly seek out those patterns; but they are neither entirely the same nor entirely different from us’. Mantel thus captures the zeitgeist of 1536, and distills it into words, and, in so doing, brings the Tudor world closer to our minds than it has ever been before. It remains to be seen whether the Man Booker Prize is now a poisoned chalice, but one can be certain that the final instalment in the trilogy will continue to captivate its readers. ‘The Mirror and The Light’ will chart Cromwell’s most distinguished years in dominance, before his downfall and execution for treason in 1540. At the end of ‘Bring Up The Bodies’, however, he asserts that he is ‘stuck like a limpet to the future’; he has clearly overlooked a chillingly prescient remark made in an earlier chapter: ‘Death is your prince, you are not his patron; when you think he is engaged elsewhere, he will batter down your door, walk in and wipe his boots on you.’